The NSU-Complex (Der NSU-Komplex)

Germany for Germans, foreigners out!

Now, we'll show you how we storm

the buildings of the asylum seekers

and their left-wing friends.

We were raised

with street violence in the socialist East.

Paramilitary training, class struggle etc., raised fists...

We grew up with that here.

Oh, there was anarchy, all right. Total anarchy.

I'm talking about street battles.

We attacked the cops,

set up roadblocks, occupied houses.

Total anarchy.

It was totally out of control.

I first went to jail in Gera. That was '90 to '91.

Then I was in jail again, in Hohenleuben in '93.

And that's where I met Mr. Uwe Böhnhardt.

The cell door opened and he came in.

At that time, we were allowed to wear our boots here,

bomber jackets and so on.

So it was easy to recognize our soul mates.

To me, he seemed quite mature for his age.

Maybe not politically stable in his beliefs.

Maybe a little weak on his German history.

He didn't seem mature enough in that respect.

He was up for some petty crime.

Maybe steal a car or something.

But otherwise, as a person, he was fine.

This was when I first became aware of the right-wing scene in Jena.

I was beaten up properly for the first time in '93,

on my way home from a football match,

by three Nazis, a woman, who was Beate Zschäpe's best friend, and two men.

They held me down, kicked me in the stomach and face

with steel toecaps on their boots.

They weren't playing around.

At the time, people in Jena were attacked regularly.

Leftists, people from the alternative scene...

Every week, we heard reports about people getting beaten, hospitalized.

Every week!

Downtown, where we were still able to move around quite safely,

got dangerous on Tuesdays at around 10:00, 10:30 at night.

The Nazis would wait for us with baseball bats in cars.

Anyone coming out of the youth club was a target.

They would follow them slowly to a darker road, and then grab them.

We knew their license plates.

It almost became routine.

"Did you hear Wohlleben has a new car?

And that he recently drove Mundlos' car? Any idea what he's driving?"

We wanted to completely incapacitate the left,

push them out of here, shatter them.

This was serious violence.

Street battles and barroom brawls, spying on our enemies...

We were intercepting them and crashing their concerts.

Anything we could think of.

The full package to the limit.

The fact that no one was killed here surprises me more than anything.

But people did die.

People were murdered by Nazis

in Magdeburg, in Zerbst.

During the attacks on the refugee camps.

It did happen.

We didn't have to look far. You could find them everywhere.

We got them on the streets...

the refugees, the foreigners, the immigrants.

There was no need to go to the refugee camps.

We simply had too little intelligence

about violent right-wing extremism.

To get this information, we needed people on the inside.

Informers are extremely important for us.

How else can you infiltrate the core of an extremist or terrorist group?

You need to have people nearby who can supply intelligence

about criminal plans and about the key players.

The approach was concerted.

And we were able to approach and recruit a number of new sources.

Human intelligence is,

in many ways, quite a risky source of information.

It requires careful risk management.

But we want to know more about terrorist structures,

and in order to acquire this information, it's sometimes unavoidable

to take certain risks.

Sources and informers need constant guidance.

They are not just sources, but they are human beings that we lead.

We assign them to a certain mission,

to inquire whether particular people have seen or heard anything important.

While violence was central to the activities in the early '90s,

a few years later, as of 1995,

demonstrations, leaflets, and political campaigns became more important.

The attacks didn't decrease, but political marches were more visible.

RUDOLF HESS DIED 9 YEARS AGO YOU'RE IN OUR THOUGHTS

The first generation didn't want to be bothered

by the political work anymore.

So they passed it on to Herr Brandt. All phone numbers, addresses, everything.

And he took control.

Right after the German reunification,

I moved to the West, to Regensburg, for an internship.

But when I saw the drugs, this vermin,

this mob of scruffy leftists, I knew it was not what I was looking for.

Rudolstadt, my hometown, was in the press.

It was the first time that the public focused

on Peace Ambassador Rudolf Hess.

No one was killed in Auschwitz.

And let me be clear. Unfortunately, no one was killed.

And we, as a generation of young Germans,

unfortunately, have not killed anyone!

When the first house searches began,

it became obvious that the government persecution from the West

was just a bad as the old persecution from the Eastern secret police.

For us, the socialist East wasn't perfect,

but West Germany was not what we wanted either.

So, as German socialists, we took a third path,

the path of National Socialism.

I planted the bomb in Rudolstadt. That never got out.

It was during the Rudolf Hess march. We had a poster: "Revenge for Hess."

Below it, there was a swastika,

and the poster was connected to the dummy bomb.

Then, there was another dummy bomb

on a stone memorial for the victims of fascism.

Well-known figures like the comrades from Jena, myself, and the three--

Uwe Mundlos, Uwe Böhnhardt, and Beate Zschäpe-- all participated.

Later, there were police investigations,

wire-taps, house searches.

They produced a lot of paper.

He knew exactly what to say

in police interrogations.

Basically, he made no statement at all.

He was well-trained, well-schooled, immune to their tricks. He was a fanatic.

He could be easily manipulated,

especially for our more violent conflicts.

We can safely assume that it is a terrorist threat

when people start hanging straw effigies

of Mr. Bubis from a bridge.

It's certainly more than your average right-wing petty crime.

BOMB

TO EACH HIS OWN

We campaigned actively against historical lies.

We protested the defamation of German soldiers as war criminals,

a generalization we never accepted.

OUR GRANDFATHERS WERE NOT CRIMINALS

We had a supporter at the Motor Vehicle Authority...

with access to information about all unmarked police cars in Thuringia.

We pretty much knew who was following us.

We spotted them everywhere.

Sometimes, we even went over and brought them coffee and stuff.

We listened in on police frequencies, so we pretty much knew what was going on.

We were getting all kinds of information from sources in the scene.

We had a comprehensive overview of right-wing activities in Thuringia,

of the Heimatschutz and of its structure.

COMPOSITION OF ALL RIGHT-WING GROUPS IN THURINGIA

Their political orientation was crystal clear.

Their propaganda was based on the Nazi State of the Third Reich.

ABSOLUTE POWER!

When they spoke about the day when they would take over--

and that's what happened every Friday--

it was clear they planned to strike big someday.

WE'RE FED UP WITH ALL THE LIES AND DECEIT

THIS IS YOUR LAST WARNING

One letter stated very specifically,

"Best wishes for an explosive new year."

It was a significant escalation.

We received court permission to tap Tino Brandt's telephone.

And surprisingly, we heard nothing of significance.

The scene made no secret of their knowledge.

They were aware that Tino Brandt worked for Domestic Intelligence.

That was the reason why some neo-Nazis cooperated with him.

It minimized the risk

that they would be prosecuted when they were accused of a crime.

I SPY WITH MY LITTLE EYE

Award Adolf Hitler! Award Adolf Hitler with the Nobel Prize!

Raise the red flag! Raise the red flag with the swastika!

I was approached after some concerts.

The concerts were followed by interviews with local media outlets.

Domestic Intelligence chose this as an opportunity to contact us.

First, they asked questions during the interview.

Then, they sought my cooperation.

Political work is expensive. Weekend demonstrations and large events...

You can't afford these expenses on a regular salary.

During the Hess campaigns, I had horrendous phone bills.

And I never could have covered the legal costs

if the Intelligence Service hadn't reimbursed me.

We were receiving warnings from my partners at Domestic Intelligence

that various police investigations were now being carried out against us.

Police officers often came to me with complaints

that their searches never turned up anything.

They were frustrated,

and they often felt the neo-Nazis were even making fun of them.

"So, you're finally showing up?" They felt ridiculed.

The deeper I got with my investigation, the more appalled I was.

I could see what had happened.

It was obvious how important it had become to protect the source.

It was self-defense.

If he hadn't shot at them, they would have shot him.

Big deal. That's what it was like back then.

VISUAL CONTACT GROUP LEADER

HOW TO SABOTAGE TELEPHONE LINES

As far as this stuff was concerned, we traded information.

We told each other what we'd bought.

One had bought a rifle. The other one, a pistol.

We shared ideas on how to turn mock-up weapons into real ones.

We helped each other.

Someone copied me, I copied someone else.